Practical City Hall actions, bounded by authority.

Use missing-middle zoning, adaptive reuse, CRA-backed affordability, city-owned land, home-repair grants, and shelter expansion without relying on rent control or new tenancy ordinances.

Build the dashboard, fund legal aid, use surplus land and CRA financing for deep affordability, and strengthen voluntary affordability incentives instead of leaning on preempted mandates.

Build Financial Empowerment Centers, publish a voluntary living-wage certification, and use procurement transparency, training commitments, and incentive scoring instead of binding wage mandates.

Publish permit service levels, expand the existing small-business assistance baseline, support storefront activation through CRA tools, and keep wage standards voluntary.

Use existing OEP and workforce channels, identify underused industrial and maker space through zoning, and reserve city incentives for measurable job creation without local-hire mandates.

Use the mayoral and GOAA seats for coalition building, but keep the city promise focused on trade promotion, delegations, and workforce alignment that City Hall can actually organize.

Treat TDT reform as advocacy only and focus municipal implementation on city-controlled revenue, zoning, and capital tools instead.

Lean on CRA activation funds, conversion incentives, supportive housing, public-realm improvements, and service coordination without making local-hire mandates the centerpiece.

Put real numbers on retrofits, center expansions, and mobility fixes, then route care-coordination growth through existing aging-service partners instead of building duplicative city bureaucracy.

Publish neighborhood park goals, capital schedules, and maintenance benchmarks so voters can judge whether the city is actually closing service gaps.

Set funding benchmarks for local grants, arts-in-public-space installations, field improvements, and youth-program expansion, then separate those city actions from regional event-hosting asks.

Focus on city ordinance updates, park amenities, cruelty enforcement, disaster-pet planning, and formal county partnership benchmarks for shelter outcomes.

Start with a measured pilot, publish participation and output data, and scale only if the city can staff it without starving existing neighborhood-service functions.

Keep the city agenda on CVI, hospital-based intervention, crisis response, youth programs, safe-storage campaigns, and public reporting while staying inside firearms preemption.

Tie this plank to drills, multilingual outreach, shelter contracts, backup-power planning, and publishable post-storm performance metrics.

Center the city response on internal policy, frontline training, survivor-service partnerships, and focused housing support rather than implying control over trafficking prosecutions.

Fund community-based providers, expand crisis-response and accessibility work, and treat school nurses and broader coverage expansion as partnership asks rather than unilateral city deliverables.

Treat schools as a partnership lane: fund crossing guards and Safe Routes work directly, then use MOUs and grants for anything happening inside school operations.

Use city buildings, zoning, permit speed, and partnership grants to increase access while treating universal coverage as a state and federal funding question.

Judge delivery through the city-controlled fleet, infrastructure, stormwater, and waste-diversion actions in items 15 through 17 instead of treating the umbrella language as a standalone program.

Electrify municipal assets, scale city-side efficiency work, expand public charging, and use the OUC seat for advocacy rather than treating private fuel bans as executable local policy.

Treat resilience as a capital-program management issue: stormwater upgrades, septic-to-sewer conversion, flood mitigation, and conservation incentives tied to publishable project milestones.

Keep the agenda on composting, city-event standards, repair and swap programs, and vendor transitions the city can influence directly.

Launch the dashboards, hybrid access, civic app, and participatory-budgeting process directly, then package term limits and election changes as a separate referendum question.

Benchmark pay and benefits, publish a workforce plan, prioritize retention hot spots, and negotiate improvements inside the limits SB 256 leaves intact.

Build the performance office, publish dashboard cadences, define department metrics in public, and pair results-based budgeting with the broader civic-engagement process.